Since the background and structure of Zimbabwe have been somewhat laid out in the first few blog posts, it is time to delve into and analyze the current events occurring in Zimbabwe. With the following blog posts, I aim to summarize several articles and analyze them further. My personal input will be based on the knowledge gained of Zimbabwe throughout this blog assignment.
Articles retrieved from Change Zimbabwe will be used in this post. Change Zimbabwe is a web news source in Zimbabwe with goals “to promote peaceful change in Zimbabwe and to facilitate commerce both at individual and company levels and at local and international levels.” Although some articles, such as “Taking It To Mugabe’s Doorstep”, are found to be slightly biased, this website proves to be a valuable source of current event articles on Zimbabwe.
“Taking It To Mugabe’s Doorstep”- Written by Voice of Change on April 16, 2009
This article speculates whether or not the power-sharing agreement between Morgan Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe will remain intact, considering recent criticisms of both parties and news that the MDC is finding it difficult and frustrating to maintain any power. Robert Mugabe has taken a strong hold on power, and is reluctant and unlikely to abide by the power-sharing agreement he signed several months ago.
Unable to attain, from external sources, the $100 million per month that Zimbabwe relies on to keep the state in tact, Zimbabwe is facing serious economic troubles. News has been released, however, that the government spends around $23 million monthly (out of $30 million received from tax dollars monthly) to fund civil servants salaries. Information like this has built a strong mistrust among other nations to fund Zimbabwe. The judicial system is also tainted, with many innocent members of the MDC being locked up for false charges.
The people of Zimbabwe are called upon by the Voice of Change to “realize who is responsible for their misery and suffering, for the refusal of donors to give money, for failure of perpetrators of violence to be brought to the book, for justice and prosperity to prevail.” This article places that accountability on Robert Mugabe. Considering previous sources used to create this blog, this assumption, though biased, does not seem too far off. From what I have learned, Robert Mugabe has a track record for violence and manipulation to maintain his power. As the only leader Zimbabwe has known since independence (that is until Tsvangirai became Prime Minister), his should be held accountable for the troubles his state is now facing.
“Madhuku Must Bring NCA To Parly Constitution Committee”- Written by CZ Correspondent on Wednesday, 15 April 2009
Lovemore Moyo, The Speaker of Parliament, announced the new Parliamentary Constitutional Committee composed of members from both the MDC and ZANU-PF parties. The committee is expected to begin drafting the new constitution, to be finished by February of next year, sometime next week. If accepted by the Zimbabwean people, the Constitution will go into effect by the end of 2010. This is an incredible movement for the country of Zimbabwe, and will set legislation preparing the country for a new election.
However, not all on the committee are “gung-ho” over the development of the constitution. Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly, is working to persuade other members “the process is not people-driven; it will be controlled by the political parties.” He feels as though the committee is not incorporating the opinions of the Zimbabwean people, and that if this constitution will not be one of the people, than there is simply no point in creating the document. He is starting a campaign for “No Vote”, to avoid the passing of the constitution.
Madhuku’s opposition sheds light on the fact that there will be consultation with civil society organizations to gain knowledge of the hopes Zimbabweans have for the new legislation. It is also true the Zimbabwean community voted for these particular governmental figures to represent them and their opinions. MDC UK chairman, Jonathan Chawora makes the point-“Madhuku is entitled to his opinion, but at the end of the day, the process is being led by elected representatives (of which he is not), representing the grassroots. It is my understanding and my hope that the Parliamentarians will go down to the grassroots and the people will decide what kind of Constitution they want.”
This is a very relevant argument, which makes clear the new constitutional assembly is attempting to strengthen representative-democracy.
The discussion of a new constitution is definitely a significant step for Zimbabwe. The fact that the MDC and ZANU-PF parties are coming together to put together a “law of the land” is beyond anything Zimbabwe has yet to experience governmentally. The only doubts I have are derived from what I learned in the last article. If the power-sharing agreement falls through, what will be made of the new constitution? If Mugabe takes full power again, will he disregard the democratic document? Instead, if Tsvangirai takes power, will the ideals of the ZANU-PF reflected in the constitution be suppressed?
“Persecution of MDC’s Mudzingwa Continues”- Written by Makusha Mugabe on April 9, 2009
Last December, Morgan Tsvagirai’s former personal assistant, Gandhi Mudingwa, the chief security officer of the MDC, Kisimu Dhlamini, and a photo-journalist Andrison Manyere, along with several other political figures, were abducted, tortured and imprisoned based on charges of organizing bombings of several police stations and railway lines. High Court Judge, Justice Charles Hungwe, claims, “The three are unlikely to commit the offense they are accused of committing.” As we have learned, detaining political figureheads or supporters from the opposition party is a common practice of the ZANU-PF.
The judge granted bail for the men on Thursday, April 9th, a decision that was quickly overruled by Chris Mutangadura. Mr. Mutangadura, on behalf of the Attorney General, implemented Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act; this provision automatically overrides bail orders, keeping the accused “criminals” in custody for another seven days so the state can file an appeal to the bail order.
According to a spokesman from Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (this group includes the attorneys representing these three men), “This provision is the most abused provision in relation to political detainees, a is clearly a further intent to frustrate the course of justice and deny accused persons their fundamental right to liberty. ZLHR had recorded numerous cases in which section 121 has been invoked—particularly against members of the MDC and other human rights defenders in the wake of the 2008 elections—and most often after the expiry of the seven days, the State would not have filed an appeal.”
This article is just a current example of the detainment the ZANU-PF has been practicing throughout and after the 2008 election period. This article introduces the tactics and measures (such as the provision mentioned) ZANU-PF goes to in order to keep their opponents imprisoned. The justice system, as mentioned in the discussion of the first article, is clearly flawed. Structure and regulation of the judicial system is an area of the Zimbabwean government that is dangerously lacking. This is certainly an important item for the constitutional committee to add to their agenda.
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