Final Blog on Zimbabwe

This is the final blog for the second semester of 2009 International Relations course on the current situation in Zimbabwe.  In closure of the blog project, this analysis will consist of articles providing some sort of outlook on the future of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe Activist Freed on Bail

In the previous blog concerning Zimbabwe, the unjust imprisonment of innocent activists and opposition party supporters was discussed.  On May 6^th, fourteen of eighteen activists were released from prison on bail, including a leading human rights campaigner, Jestina Mukoko.  This was the second time they had been arrested since December 2008.  Whether or not these particular activists were innocent has not yet been determined by Zimbabwe’s court of law.  The released activists “face charges of plotting to overthrow President Mugabe.”  However, as mentioned, arrests of this type revealing innocent detainees are not uncommon in Zimbabwe.  The unity government has been affected by these arrests, as “western donors have demanded the unity government demonstrate effective power sharing and that political prisoners be freed before they open their wallets.” 

Fragile Signs of Hope Emerging in the Gloom of Mugabe’s Rule

As mentioned in the last sentence of the previous article summary, primary donors in the West are demanding changes and cooperation by the unified Zimbabwean government.  These donor countries struggle with the idea that the millions of dollars going into Zimbabwean may only be “propping up Mr. Mugabe, feeding his patronage machine and extend his disastrous three decades in power.  But this money is desperately needed in Zimbabwe. 

As donors have begun refueling Zimbabwe’s economy, grocery stores have been full and schools are reopening.  Last year, the majority of Zimbabwean teachers left their jobs as hyperinflation boomed and their paychecks became worthless.  Now, the teachers have agreed to come back to work with a mere $100 monthly pay.  However, if they do not see a pay increase soon, many, including the minister of education, fear they may leave again.

The reopening of schools is a glimmer of hope for the country.  There are also many other “signs of hope” Zimbabwe is heading in the right directions.  “Never before has ZANU-PF been so weak” or has the opposition party been in office.  There are still diplomats suggesting Mugabe will most likely “sabotage the power-deal and the infusion of Western aid.”  This article provides an example of Robert Mugabe’s attempt to manipulate government newcomers, in that he offered every new minister a brand new Mercedes. Some members of the opposition party turned down the luxury vehicle, while others justified accepting the offer claiming, “I know it’s not a good excuse, but will I make a difference if I turn this down?”  In my opinion, the opposition would have made a stronger statement through collectively turning down the offer. 

Zimbabwe Finance Minister Biti Voices Satisfaction at Washington Contacts and Window’s of Opportunity

Zimbabwe’s new Finance Minister, Hon. Tendai Biti, member of the MDC, also mentioned “window’s of opportunity” at a forum last week.  At the forum, Biti expressed his contentment with the contracts discussed with the Obama administration on April 27^th.  Biti, faced with the job of “resuscitating the country’s collapsed economy”, is relying on potential US support and aid on behalf of his country.

  “U.S. officials have repeatedly stated that Washington will not extend aid beyond humanitarian assistance to development or reconstruction funding until there is clear evidence Harare has undertaken meaningful reform on human rights, the rule of law and other issues.”

This being said, hopefully Zimbabwe will see change and cooperation between the Prime Minister and the President, the ZANU-PF and the MDC.  The International Fund Board will also be considering and evaluating the situation in Zimbabwe.

There is potential for the country.  Optimism can be found in parliament, which is divided, almost evenly, by the two major parties; developments being made in rural areas; and the newly established voice of Zimbabwean citizens who can now hold their elected officials accountable.  However, until major collaboration emerges from the power-sharing deal, the country will remain in somewhat of a gridlock.

Reflection of Model UN Simulation

The Model United Nations Middle East Crisis Simulation was one of the most interesting things I have taken a part in.  I had no idea what to expect, and I was unsure if I was going to be sufficiently prepared.  I imagined a huge room full of people representing different nations, with representatives from each nation getting up and giving speeches about their countries.  However, when I entered the room with just my group I was relieved.  It was far more interesting to be in a small group; small groups facilitate easier discussion and faster decision-making.  It was also a lot less nerve-racking than getting up and talking to a large audience. 

My role in the group was the Minister of Education, as discussed in the previous Model UN blogs, but I also took on the role as the group organizer/secretary.  I really enjoy filling leadership roles, and organization is certainly one of my stronger points, so I had a lot of fun gathering everyone’s information and putting together a binder for our group.  I feel as though this role allowed me to learn a lot about every one else’s ministries, through reading their blogs and putting together information for the simulation.

The first day of the simulation was especially exciting.  We were faced with many domestic and foreign policy issues we needed to discuss.  We placed a lot of emphasis on strengthening our relations with Iraq.  We also discussed measures to strengthen the parliament in Kuwait, which would make further steps toward democracy.  However, we were careful not to allow all requests parliament was asking of us, as to not grant parliament too much power at one time or weaken the cabinet of Kuwait.  Israel attempted to report its support of our decisions, but the media twisted their statement.  The information we received implied Israel disapproved of our decision-making and were willing to use military force if we did not move toward democracy.  After receiving this information, Peter and I had the opportunity to meet with Israel (which I was very excited about).  In this meeting, we were able to straighten out the miscommunication, and form a stronger relationship with Israel. 

I was very happy about the overall participation of our group.  Everyone was very knowledgeable of his or her ministry and able to provide beneficial input throughout the simulation.  There was never a silent moment when we had a decision to make.  The teamwork was exceptional, with everyone working together to explain, understand, and produce good conclusions.  However, Kuwait being a relatively small and peaceful country, there were hardly any huge crises for us to deal with.  We mostly discussed domestic issues we had studied while researching our ministries.  We made some excellent decisions concerning oil, restructure of the foreign working population regulations, education, and the like.  We also spent time putting our input into other situations and crises going on in the countries around us. 

In conclusion, I gained a lot of knowledge about teamwork, the situation in the Middle East, leadership, and decision-making through the two-day simulation.  It was interesting to explore and learn about another culture, especially that of Kuwait.  This project made me realize my interest in foreign relations and cultural studies.  It has also provoked an interest in governmental leadership.  I would be eager to participate in another simulation like the Model UN Middle East Crisis Simulation.  

Current Events in Zimbabwe

Since the background and structure of Zimbabwe have been somewhat laid out in the first few blog posts, it is time to delve into and analyze the current events occurring in Zimbabwe.  With the following blog posts, I aim to summarize several articles and analyze them further.  My personal input will be based on the knowledge gained of Zimbabwe throughout this blog assignment. 

Articles retrieved from Change Zimbabwe will be used in this post. Change Zimbabwe is a web news source in Zimbabwe with goals “to promote peaceful change in Zimbabwe and to facilitate commerce both at individual and company levels and at local and international levels.”  Although some articles, such as “Taking It To Mugabe’s Doorstep”, are found to be slightly biased, this website proves to be a valuable source of current event articles on Zimbabwe. 

“Taking It To Mugabe’s Doorstep”- Written by Voice of Change on April 16, 2009

            This article speculates whether or not the power-sharing agreement between Morgan Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe will remain intact, considering recent criticisms of both parties and news that the MDC is finding it difficult and frustrating to maintain any power.  Robert Mugabe has taken a strong hold on power, and is reluctant and unlikely to abide by the power-sharing agreement he signed several months ago. 

Unable to attain, from external sources, the $100 million per month that Zimbabwe relies on to keep the state in tact, Zimbabwe is facing serious economic troubles.  News has been released, however, that the government spends around $23 million monthly (out of $30 million received from tax dollars monthly) to fund civil servants salaries.  Information like this has built a strong mistrust among other nations to fund Zimbabwe.  The judicial system is also tainted, with many innocent members of the MDC being locked up for false charges. 

The people of Zimbabwe are called upon by the Voice of Change to “realize who is responsible for their misery and suffering, for the refusal of donors to give money, for failure of perpetrators of violence to be brought to the book, for justice and prosperity to prevail.”  This article places that accountability on Robert Mugabe.  Considering previous sources used to create this blog, this assumption, though biased, does not seem too far off.  From what I have learned, Robert Mugabe has a track record for violence and manipulation to maintain his power.  As the only leader Zimbabwe has known since independence (that is until Tsvangirai became Prime Minister), his should be held accountable for the troubles his state is now facing. 

“Madhuku Must Bring NCA To Parly Constitution Committee”- Written by CZ Correspondent on Wednesday, 15 April 2009

            Lovemore Moyo, The Speaker of Parliament, announced the new Parliamentary Constitutional Committee composed of members from both the MDC and ZANU-PF parties.  The committee is expected to begin drafting the new constitution, to be finished by February of next year, sometime next week.  If accepted by the Zimbabwean people, the Constitution will go into effect by the end of 2010.  This is an incredible movement for the country of Zimbabwe, and will set legislation preparing the country for a new election. 

            However, not all on the committee are “gung-ho” over the development of the constitution.  Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly, is working to persuade other members “the process is not people-driven; it will be controlled by the political parties.”  He feels as though the committee is not incorporating the opinions of the Zimbabwean people, and that if this constitution will not be one of the people, than there is simply no point in creating the document.  He is starting a campaign for “No Vote”, to avoid the passing of the constitution.

            Madhuku’s opposition sheds light on the fact that there will be consultation with civil society organizations to gain knowledge of the hopes Zimbabweans have for the new legislation.  It is also true the Zimbabwean community voted for these particular governmental figures to represent them and their opinions.  MDC UK chairman, Jonathan Chawora makes the point-

“Madhuku is entitled to his opinion, but at the end of the day, the process is being led by elected representatives (of which he is not), representing the grassroots.  It is my understanding and my hope that the Parliamentarians will go down to the grassroots and the people will decide what kind of Constitution they want.”

This is a very relevant argument, which makes clear the new constitutional assembly is attempting to strengthen representative-democracy. 

            The discussion of a new constitution is definitely a significant step for Zimbabwe.  The fact that the MDC and ZANU-PF parties are coming together to put together a “law of the land” is beyond anything Zimbabwe has yet to experience governmentally.  The only doubts I have are derived from what I learned in the last article.  If the power-sharing agreement falls through, what will be made of the new constitution?  If Mugabe takes full power again, will he disregard the democratic document?  Instead, if Tsvangirai takes power, will the ideals of the ZANU-PF reflected in the constitution be suppressed? 

“Persecution of MDC’s Mudzingwa Continues”- Written by Makusha Mugabe on April 9, 2009

            Last December, Morgan Tsvagirai’s former personal assistant, Gandhi Mudingwa, the chief security officer of the MDC, Kisimu Dhlamini, and a photo-journalist Andrison Manyere, along with several other political figures, were abducted, tortured and imprisoned based on charges of organizing bombings of several police stations and railway lines.  High Court Judge, Justice Charles Hungwe, claims, “The three are unlikely to commit the offense they are accused of committing.”  As we have learned, detaining political figureheads or supporters from the opposition party is a common practice of the ZANU-PF. 

The judge granted bail for the men on Thursday, April 9^th, a decision that was quickly overruled by Chris Mutangadura.  Mr. Mutangadura, on behalf of the Attorney General, implemented Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act; this provision automatically overrides bail orders, keeping the accused “criminals” in custody for another seven days so the state can file an appeal to the bail order. 

According to a spokesman from Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (this group includes the attorneys representing these three men), 

“This provision is the most abused provision in relation to political detainees, a is clearly a further intent to frustrate the course of justice and deny accused persons their fundamental right to liberty.  ZLHR had recorded numerous cases in which section 121 has been invoked—particularly against members of the MDC and other human rights defenders in the wake of the 2008 elections—and most often after the expiry of the seven days, the State would not have filed an appeal.” 

This article is just a current example of the detainment the ZANU-PF has been practicing throughout and after the 2008 election period.  This article introduces the tactics and measures (such as the provision mentioned) ZANU-PF goes to in order to keep their opponents imprisoned.  The justice system, as mentioned in the discussion of the first article, is clearly flawed.  Structure and regulation of the judicial system is an area of the Zimbabwean government that is dangerously lacking.  This is certainly an important item for the constitutional committee to add to their agenda. 

Robert Mugabe

Robert Mugabe, the first Prime Minister and the current President of Zimbabwe, was born February 21, 1924 in Southern Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe).  Mugabe is a black nationalist who has attempted to form the nation on a Marxist platform.  Over the years Mugabe has fallen from the hailed symbol of a new Africa, through his fight against white colonization, to the epitome of a scoundrel, through a violent and corrupt dictatorship that has driven his country to rock bottom. 

            Mugabe was raised in the Catholic faith.  He was trained as a teacher in a Roman Catholic Mission school.  Robert Mugabe earned a total of six degrees including a Bachelor of Administration, a Bachelor of Science, a Bachelor of Laws, a Bachelor of Arts, a Master of Science, and a Master of Laws.  He has studied at the University of South Africa, the University College of Fort Hare, Kutama College, the University of Oxford, the University of Salisbury, the University of Gwelo, the University of London, and the University of Tanzania.

            Politics came into Mugabe’s life while studying at the University College of Fort Hare, where he began to learn more about nationalist politics.  He got involved in politics when he returned to Rhodesia in 1960.  By 1963, he co-founded the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), which was an opposition party to the governmental group, Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU).  Shortly after, he was arrested for “subversive speech” and remained in prison until 1965. 

Mugabe became a key player in the war for independence, which was fought and won by 1979.  In 1980, he became Prime Minister, in the British-supervised parliamentary elections.  As the leader of the newly founded state of Zimbabwe, Mugabe had goals to replace the two-party rule with a “one-party Marxist regime”.  He made drastic efforts to redeem the black population, and somewhat repress the white population, of Zimbabwe.  However, he did uphold the constitutional requirement of substantial white representation in parliament.

After a serious clash between the ZANU and ZAPU parties, which resulted in thousands of deaths, an eventual agreement was reached, creating the ZANU-PF.  In 1987, Robert Mugabe achieved his goal of retaining absolute control under a one-party rule, as he became the first executive president of Zimbabwe.  However, his rule was not a pleasant one, and in the 1990 election period, violence and intimidation were used to secure his reelection.  Towards the late 90’s, political strife had begun to develop more strongly.  The economy was going bad, and Mugabe announced pay increases for his cabinet members and himself, provoking rioting and anger among the people of Zimbabwe.

            This political unrest gave way to a serious opposition to Mugabe, the Movement for Democratic Change led by Morgan Tsvangirai.  At this time, the Zimbabwean people were unhappy with Mugabe’s rule, and were ready for a change in government.  Inflation was occurring at astronomical rates and human rights were being neglected and ignored by the ZANU-PF.  However, in 2002 Mugabe was reelected in elections “tainted by violence and criticized by observers.”

            Later that year Mugabe passed laws allowing farms owned by whites to be confiscated with no compensation.  Experienced white farmers were replaced with black political figures leading to a decline in agricultural productivity.  On top of this issue, a drought occurred, leading to food shortages and starvation.  The economy was at its all time worst and Mugabe’s regime was growing viler.  

“As Mugabe’s popularity further declined, his regime became increasingly brutal and repressive.  Media freedom was curtailed, the opposition was harassed and beaten, and a controversial program that caused the demolition of illegal housing structures was implemented, rendering hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans homeless.  The economy continued to decline, and in 2007 the country had the highest rate of inflation in the world, as well as one of the highest rates of unemployment.”

            As we have studied, there have been progressive changes in Mugabe’s rule since the 2008 elections.  However, these transformations are slow coming; just this year, Robert Mugabe was named the number one worst dictator in the world by PARADE magazine.  Under his rule, Zimbabwe has the world’s shortest life expectancy and worst annual inflation rate.  We have learned that he has been partnered with his opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai, and it will be interesting to see how this will alter his “regime”.   

Morgan Tsvangirai

Morgan Tsvangirai, current Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and leader of the MDC (an opposition party), was born on March 10,1952 in Buhera, Zimbabwe.  He was the ninth son of a bricklayer, and he himself found work in the trades.  Tsvangirai left secondary school to work as a textile weaver, and he later found a job in the mining industry.  An advocate for human and labor rights, he quickly became involved in the mine’s labor union. 

Morgan Tsvangirai was soon leader of the mining union, and in the late 80’s he became the Secretary General of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.  While leading this organization, Morgan began to spread his views of democracy and liberty; soon enough, he had turned the ZCTU away from the corrupt, ruling ZANU-PF party.  Towards the end of the 90’s, Tsvangirai began to rise as a politician when he led a series of strikes against tax increases imposed by Robert Mugabe.  The strikes were successful in influencing the cancellation of two tax increases. 

In 1999, Tsvangirai founded and organized the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).  Months had passed, and the party was already gaining ground in defeating Robert Mugabe’s plan for a reform of the Zimbabwe Constitution.  Among the changes Mugabe had in mind, several clauses would have allowed the uncompensated seizure of farms owned by white men.  This defeat was the biggest blow Mugabe had taken from an opposition party since independence.

Tsvangirai stands for the extension of freedom and opportunities for Zimbabwean people.  He primarily represents the younger generations and urban workers.  He is a very charismatic leader and politician whose primary focus is family, an end to violence and intimidation, and liberation for his people.

Morgan Tsvangirai was educated through the Executive Leaders Development Program at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government.  He earned his diploma in June of 2001.  Tsvangirai is now, also, the founding chairman of the National Constitution Assembly, which advocated for a new, more righteous and fair constitution. 

As Morgan Tsvangirai has developed the MDC, dissipating his relationship with the ruling party, he has faced a series of unfortunate and torturous events.  Tsvangirai has been arrested on a handful of accounts for alleged treason and threats against Robert Mugabe; his charges have always been dismissed and acquitted.  He has also faced four assassination attempts, one in which phony police broke into his office and attempted to push him out of a window.  Probably the most serious act of violence that Morgan has faced was abduction, part of a nightly abduction ritual carried out by government-sanctioned gangs.  During his abduction, Tsvangirai was beaten and is reported to have passed out at least three times, suffering a cracked skull and internal bleeding.

Despite the run-ins he has had with the misruling, corrupt dictatorship, Tsvangirai remained committed to the democratic struggle, and now, as we have learned in the previous blog posts, he has risen to the seat of Prime Minister of Zimbabwe.

More recent news of Morgan Tsvangirai involves a tragic head-on collision Morgan and his wife, Susan, had with a tractor-trailer.  In the accident, he suffered head injuries and lost his wife of nearly three decades, with whom he has six children.  Unfortunately, but inevitably, the crash has raised suspicion of a premeditated attack by Mugabe towards Tsvangirai.  Robert Mugabe has somewhat of a track record for killing off his political foe in car crashes.  Tom McDonald, US ambassador of Zimbabwe from 1997 to 2001, has urged a full investigation by outside authorities of the incident.  The cabinet approved this investigation on March 19^th. 

3/27/2009

 

The Education System in Kuwait

The educational system in Kuwait, starting out as a few Quranic schools that taught religion and basic Arab literacy, has developed into a system enrolling thirty percent of the state’s population.  By 1995, there were 861 state and private schools in Kuwait. 

The first school of modern education, the Al Mubarakiyya School, was founded in 1912 and offered education for boys.  Al Mubarakiyya started off teaching the subjects of commerce, arithmetic, and letter drafting.  Later, more subjects, including history, art and geography, were added to the curriculum.  In 1921, the Al Ahmadia School was founded; this was the first Kuwaiti school to teach English as a subject.  Shortly after, schools for girls began to be introduced. 

The first schools were private, but 1935 marked the beginning of public education, when the state was given control of the school system.  At this time, the state opened four new schools, three schools for boys and one for girls.  By 1945, Kuwait housed a total of seventeen schools.  The main schooling system consists of elementary, intermediate, and secondary schools, but in the year 1954, the first technical college was established.  Around this time, emphasis was also placed on opening special education facilities for the disabled.  About 1,644 special needs students were enrolled in special education programs in 1973. In the year 1960, Kuwait had 45,000 students enrolled in their education system.

The department of education was growing rapidly, so in 1962, the department became the official Ministry of Education;  “…the ministry was to chart the directions for educational development over the course of the decades ahead”.  The current Minister of Education in Kuwait is Nouriya al-Subaih.

The Constitution of 1962 claimed that education was a fundamental right to all citizens, including females.  Therefore, Kuwait offers education to all Kuwaitis free of charge.  In 1965, school became mandatory for all children ages six to fourteen.  Beyond elementary, intermediate, and secondary schooling, Kuwait also offers higher education, with no charge at all.  There are many different institutions of higher learning, including Kuwait University, applied educational centers, and technical colleges.  “As of academic year 1995-96, 4,355 students were enrolled in these applied educational facilities.”  At the university level, students can engage in many different academic studies including the humanities, scientific and educational specifications, or specializations in the social sciences. 

Four years are spent at each level of the schooling system.  All public schools in Kuwait are gender specific, but many private schools are co-ed.  In each state school, English is taught as a primary subject from the second grade forward.  Each school contains a library, and Kuwait has expanded its book collection from around 230,000 to almost three million books.  “The government has also launched an ‘Education Net’ project to connect every government school and library to a telecommunications data network.” 

Although public education is certainly the most relevant part of Kuwait’s schooling system, private education is also a very important part of the system.  Private schools enroll about a third of all students at the elementary, intermediate, and secondary levels.  Private schools are mostly foreign sponsored, but Kuwait’s government does provide significant subsidization for these schools.  Private schools, unlike public schools, vary in languages of instruction and curriculums; this allows parents to somewhat choose what their children will learn, making private schools very popular. 

Although the education system in Kuwait is currently booming, some have criticized the efficiency of the system. 

Unfortunately, “the new waves of graduates, having received from their state schools a nominal college or university education, were unmotivated to enter private sector employment.  And just as unmotivated as graduates were to take up private sector jobs, employers were equally unmotivated—if not actually more so—to hire Gulf nationals.  They could hire Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis, and other nationalities for much less cost and hassle.”  

Also, the curriculum of preparatory educational and training programs has not exactly coincided with the needs and demands of the Kuwaiti labor market.  Therefore, reform of higher-level education is being contemplated.  There are many different questions that must be addressed in order to restructure the higher-level education system, one being “will students be receptive to the training and education received so as to obtain skills and qualifications rendering them as competitive candidates in an expatriate dominated job market?”  

Most of the recent Kuwaiti generation has been criticized to have “spoiled child syndrome.”  This is the idea that after receiving a free education on a “silver platter”, there is very little self-motivation when it comes to work and efficiency in performance.   Therefore, the education system must build up a sense of motivation and work ethic in the youth in order for the flourishing system to be successful. 

3/19/2009

Stepping Away From Zimbabwe for a Moment to Study the State of Kuwait

Kuwait is a tiny country, almost the size of New Jersey, located between Saudi Arabia, Iraq and the Persian Gulf.  Although small, Kuwait is certainly not insignificant.  Kuwait is the fifth richest country in the world, prospering from its natural oil reserves and the development of its petroleum industry after WWII and independence in 1961. Oil alone makes up 90% of the country’s export revenues. 

Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1991, pausing oil exports for a period of time.  With US assistance, the Iraqi forces were ousted out of Kuwait.  The country’s infrastructure was left in shambles, but they slowly began to build up their strength again. 

Kuwait has developed a constitutional emirate government, which has proved to be very successful in recent years.  The government has an executive branch composed of a chief of state (the emir), the Crown Prince, a Prime Minister, a first deputy prime minister, and several deputy prime ministers.  Kuwait has a unicameral legislature called the National Assembly (Majlis al-Umma).  The High Court of Appeal makes up the judicial branch. 

Kuwait’s educational system is, to me, the most fascinating Kuwaiti government program.  In the beginning of the 20th century, schools were few and far between.  There were no public schools and wealthier Kuwait citizens funded most private schools. In 1939, the government began its own education system.  By 1945 there were 17 Kuwaiti schools.  As oil began to pick up as a hot commodity, Kuwait grew wealthier, and more funding was poured into the schooling system.  Forty-five thousand students were enrolled in Kuwaiti schools in 1960.  The Constitution of 1962 claimed that education was a fundamental right to all citizens, including females.  Finally, in 1965 schooling became required for children ages six to fourteen. 

In today’s Kuwait, the education system is larger than it has ever been, and it is continuing to grow.  About 30 percent of Kuwait’s population is enrolled in the state’s schools.  Schooling begins at the age of six, although preschool is available at the age of four, and involves elementary, intermediate, and secondary educations.  Four years are spent at each level of the schooling system.  The State of Kuwait pays for all stages of education, including higher education. 

All public schools in Kuwait are gender specific, but private co-ed schools do exist.  In fact, many Kuwaiti’s decide to send their children to these foreign-sponsored schools.  Kuwait’s government does provide significant but not complete subsidization of private schools. 

In each state school, English is taught as a primary subject from the second grade forward.  Each school contains a library, and Kuwait has expanded its book collection from around 230,000 to almost three million books.  “The government has also launched an ‘Education Net’ project to connect every government school and library to a telecommunications data network.”  Kuwait is certainly flourishing in the development of a strong educational system. 

3/12/2009